Thursday, 19 September 2013

The Common Weal project

Really just wanted to link to an excellent article by Robin McAlpine of the Jimmy Reid Foundation, from the Sunday Herald of September 15th 2013.
The full piece can be read here.
In particular, these paragraphs really resonated with me:

Britain, meanwhile, is offered two versions of a low-wage economy - one with cash transfers to the poor, the other with emergency payments to the poor. Where Nordic politics agrees about sharing economic growth among the people, British politics agrees on sharing austerity among the people. Their politics agrees on the benefits of universal public services, ours agrees on the need to ration public services. They agree that growth must be based on productivity and innovation, Westminster agrees that growth must be based on cost-cutting and speculation.

What the Norwegian elections really show is that genuinely plural politics in a genuinely competitive economy with genuinely high social cohesion and no real poverty is not only possible, it is normality for millions of our neighbours.

We've been sucked into the belief that there is no alternative; to our failing economy, to our corrupted politics, to our fragmenting society. We've been fooled into thinking that Westminster is normal, that apathy and alienation are normal, that finding endemic poverty in one of the world's richest countries is normal. These things are not normal - or they needn't be.

The Common Weal project isn't about creating a novelty replica of an imaginary Scandinavia and it is certainly not about creating one political opinion without diversity. It is about achieving a better socioeconomic foundation for Scotland precisely to allow genuinely diverse and plural politics to flourish.

The project is driven by the pragmatic attempt to identify where success has been achieved elsewhere and to work out how it was achieved. Crucially it then seeks to develop a distinctive version which is applicable to the Scotland we have today. It draws heavily (though by no means exclusively) from the Nordic nations because their social and economic outcomes are so good. Surely this approach makes sense? If you can find any social or economic statistic which would make you favour the British model over the Nordic one, you're either a multi-millionaire or a masochist.

Friday, 6 September 2013

Exploding the unionist myths... Again

Last night, I watched STV's Scotland Tonight debate between Nicola Sturgeon and Anas Sarwar. The debate was poorly handled by John MacKay and while Sturgeon won, it wasn't a convincing victory due to the distracting tendency of the aggressive Sarwar to shout, interrupt, take the debate off-topic and to avoid giving answers, instead sticking to sound bites and a pre-prepared script.

As always, whilst witnessing the arguments against independence put forward by Sarwar on behalf of Scottish Labour and Better Together (or Project Fear as members inside BT refer to the organisation), I could not help but be reminded of the scaremongering and lies told before our devolution referendum in 1997.

In fact, I recently watched 'Scotland Debates: Devolution' from 1997 and the claims made by the unionists (the 'No/No' or 'Think Twice' groups) throughout are depressingly familiar.



Hosted by Bernard Ponsonby (one of last night's analysts), the programme pitted Labour's Secretary of State, the late Donald Dewar, then leader of the Scottish Liberal Democrats Jim Wallace, SNP leader Alex Salmond, all on the Yes/Yes side, against Conservative constitutional affair spokesman Michael Ancram, Labour MP for Linlithgow Tam Dalyell and chairman of the Think Twice campaign, Donald Findlay QC.

Throughout the show, fears are raised by the No side which in hindsight have proven to be nonsense. Bear that in mind when listening to today's No campaign.

Early in the show, Tam Dalyell makes reference to the fact that in the lead up to the devo referendum, it was claimed that problems such as the Skye bridge tolls could be solved by a Scottish parliament. He argues that "No amount of laws are going to meet these grievances, no amount of talk in a parliament is going to address these problems."

In actual fact, the devolved Scottish parliament DID successfully abolish the tolls in 2004.

Clearly, the UK today is deeply flawed, with rising child poverty, unacceptable levels of unemployment,  austerity measures, cuts to benefits, a bedroom tax which hurts the most vulnerable in our society. When unionists argue that independence is not the solution to these problems created by Westminster, remember that we were told the same about devolution and the problems of the 1990s. We were told devolution would not solve various problems which it in fact has, the Skye bridge tolls being just one example.

Successes such as the public smoking ban, free prescriptions, the abolishment of the graduate endowment fee, the Scottish government's vastly better management of the NHS, these are thanks to taking decision-making powers from Westminster and placing them in the hands of the people of Scotland, in a government who are fully accountable to the electorate at the polling station rather than a parliament where we have effect on only 10% of the members.

Independence would allow us to take further control and enjoy further successes; do not believe anyone who tells you otherwise. They lied to us about devolution and they lie to us still.

Later in the devolution debate show, Michael Ancram states: "I believe that these proposals are bad for Scotland, they are bad for the people of Scotland, they are bad for business in Scotland."

He also later stated that a devolved Scotland would raise taxes, be less competitive, attract less inward investment and create less jobs.

In fact, inward investment in a Scotland with a devolved government is currently at a fifteen year high, with market share at similar levels to that of 2004. It would be nigh on impossible to argue now that devolution has been bad for business in Scotland.

That claim in relation to devolution has been well and truly busted, just as it has with regards independence. While many senior figures in the No campaign are on record as saying the uncertainty around independence is bad for business in Scotland, the opposite has been found to be the case.

UK Chancellor George Osborne said: "I think that uncertainty is damaging investment in Scotland – and there are major businesses around the world who have asked me as chancellor in the last year 'tell us what is going on in Scotland - we're worried about making an investment in that country'."

Prime Minister David Cameron said: "This is very damaging for Scotland because all the time businesses are asking 'Is Scotland going to stay part of the UK? Are they going to stay together? Should I invest'?"

Secretary of State Michael Moore repeated the claims, saying: "With too long a period, we will just increase the uncertainty about Scotland's future, which will affect jobs, it will affect investment plans."

Scottish Tory leader Ruth Davidson said: "…continuing constitutional uncertainty is damaging business in Scotland."

This has been proven to be completely false. Accountancy firm Ernst & Young, in a recent attractiveness survey, said: "There's certainly no sign of investors being deterred from coming to Scotland; if anything, the reverse appears to be true."

More scaremongering shown to be simply not true; just as it was in '97.

On the devolution referendum's second question regarding tax-varying powers, it is claimed during the '97 show that with local government taxation, a Scottish government could bring in new taxes. Of course, in reality, Scotland has been hurt not by new taxes created by our devolved Scottish parliament, but by Wesminster's Bedroom Tax.

Donald Findlay and the No/No side warned that with tax-varying powers, the Scottish government could raise taxes - despite the fact that, at the time, the status quo of Westminter was just as able to raise taxes to an unlimited level. These same claims, proven bogus in the reality of devolution, are made with regards tax levels in an independent Scotland, where we are told we will need higher taxes to survive. The same fears are trotted out.

In 1997's show, Tam Dalyell says looking forward at the effects of devolution over the next five to twenty years, he predicts marginalisation of Scotland within UK and Europe.

This has proven to be completely bogus. Our role in Europe and support for European Union membership has increased with devolution over that period. We have the major share of the EU’s oil production, almost a quarter of its offshore renewable energy potential, a fifth of its natural gas production and a twelfth of its seas. There are approximately 150,000 workers and students who have chosen to come to Scotland from Poland, Ireland, Holland, France, and other countries of the EU.

In the event of independence, IPSOS-Mori polling shows support for membership of the EU at more than 60%. This contrasts greatly with England, where recent polling suggests that a majority of people are in favour of leaving the European Union.

We were told lies about our role in the European Union then and we are told lies about it now; about the supposed risk to membership, about the strength of our position in Europe. Now, as then, the unionists are scaremongering.

The No side claim during the 'Scotland Debates: Devolution' show that a devolved Scottish parliament would have no resources to deal with:

- Nurses' pay (Scottish Government increased nurses' pay to higher than that of their English & Welsh counterparts in 2007)

- Hospital waiting lists (90.8% of patients for which 18 Weeks RTT could be measured were seen within 18 weeks while in England, waiting times are currently at a five year high)

- Education and school repairs (Audit Scotland’s March 2008 report 'Improving the School Estate' showed significant progress had been made in improving the estate and overtaking the legacy of pre-devolution underinvestment in schools, when expenditure on maintenance, repair and replacement failed to keep pace with the rate of deterioration)

We were told that the Scottish Government would not have the resources to deal with issues it has addressed far better than its Westminster counterparts. The reality has blown those lies out of the water. Now, we are told that Scotland does not have the resources to go it alone and be independent. The reality is that Scotland does have the resources and would in fact fare a great deal better with its own government having more power.

Only last week George Osborne during his visit to the North Sea oil rigs told us that our resources are better left in the hands of Westminster - that having the benefits of some 90% of North Sea oil in an independent Scotland, rather than our current 10% share, would somehow make us worse off, that we do not have the resources to cope. We had the resources to flourish with devolution and we have the resources to flourish further still in an independent nation.

Unionists told us before the devolution vote that matters such as education, housing, health, agriculture and justice would be better handled under continuing Westminster rule than in a separate Scottish government, yet few would vote now to reverse devolution. These decisions are better handled by MSPs accountable to the Scottish people.

Unionists tell us now that we would be best leaving such non-devolved matters as warfare and the economy at the hands of Westminster. The success of devolution shows us that this is not the case.

Unionists told us then that making just 10% of parliament in Westminster was better than forming 100% of parliament in Edinburgh. But the failings of government in the last 14 years have continued to come from Westminster; the war in Iraq, the war in Afghanistan, the economic crash and the resulting austerity measures.

At one point, Donald Dewar asks the Conservative why when there are powers presently exercised by Westminster, that's fine, but when those powers are passed to Scots who are going to sit in a Scottish parliament, unionists think they uniquely cannot be trusted to take sensible decisions. History repeats itself. We are being told again that decisions are better made for us in England when we have learnt from the past that this is simply not true.

Jim Wallace makes reference early in the show to the poll tax, nursery vouchers, quango-tisation of water and sewage,  reform of local government. These problems were left in the past with devolution, but could just as easily be substituted for today's bedroom tax, benefits cut, austerity measures, Trident. Westminster rule hurt us then and continues to hurt us still as we do not have full powers for Holyrood.

In last night's show, Anas Sarwar - when he wasn't interrupting Sturgeon or questioning the SNP's record in goverment, like next year's referendum is even remotely about one party - unintentionally summed it up best when he said "It's not about Tory welfare reforms. I voted against them."

Scottish MPs do not have a voice in Westminster. Our country's representatives vote unanimously against bills and they are passed regardless.

Just as the Think Twice and No/No representatives failed to present a positive case for the status quo then, Sarwar used his opportunity not to speak positively of the union, but to belittle the SNP, criticise Sturgeon and fear-monger where independence was concerned.

Just as the Yes campaign has a positive vision for an independent Scotland, the Yes/Yes side of 1997 were quoted that night as saying things like "We want to return power to Scotland," that they were looking to represent "every significant strand of Scottish opinion," with the message to "Show faith. Have hope. Take courage."

Then, as now, the language of the Yes side was positive and optimistic about Scotland while the No crowd were peddling fear, concerns and pessimism. Just as devolution has proven to be a positive step for Scotland, independence would benefit our country and hand power back to the people who live here.

One audience member summed it up best, telling people that they should "Vote yes with your heads and your hearts, not no with your pockets."

We should continue to show the same faith and pride in Scotland that we showed when we voted yes to devolution. Rather than let the unionists win by scaremongering and shouting down the chance to make Scotland better, we should grab our opportunity with both hands. History has judged us to be right in doing so in 1997 and the future would prove us to be right in voting for independence.

Saturday, 6 April 2013

The link between devolution and nationalism


“Devolution will kill nationalism stone dead.”

George Robertson’s famous quote has looked ever more ridiculous as time has passed. It was quoted in 2007 when the SNP won control of the Scottish parliament and dug up again in 2011 when they won a majority many thought impossible. The quote has never seemed more ironic than it does now, as we head to a referendum on Scottish independence on 18th September 2014.

Why was Robertson so wrong? Why, after 16 years of devolution, is nationalism on the Scottish public agenda more than ever?

Of course, the simple answer is that devolution has worked so well because countries are better governed by their own people. Independence is the natural next step to a model of devolution which has been successful but not without limits.

Since 1997, Scotland has fared best in areas of governance we control within Holyrood. Where we have been failed is in areas such as warfare – with the Iraq and Afghanistan wars – and the economy, still controlled by Westminster. Naturally, this has lead to a debate on winning more power and more control for Holyrood.

Recent polls show that support for full-blown independence still lacks majority backing. However, it is clear that most Scots want further devolution; in a January 2012 Ipsos MORI poll, 71% backed the concept of ‘Devolution Max’.

While Devo Max is not on the table, this shows that there are a great number of undecided voters who want more power for Scotland, but are not sure how they want such a thing framed: in an independent Scotland, or as part of a United Kingdom promising more power after the referendum.

The challenge for the ‘Yes’ campaign is to convince these voters that Scotland would be better run with full control as an independent nation.

The unionists, meanwhile, will have to convince the public that greater autonomy will be best accommodated as part of the union.

The SNP were formed with the very purpose of winning independence and in turn more power for Scotland. The unionist parties, however, will have a job on their hands to convince voters that they truly care about more power for Scotland.

Promises of more power have appeared only as part of their campaign against independence, and not as part of any innate desire to see Scotland with more control of its affairs.

The Conservatives, Labour and the Lib Dems have all now been quoted as saying they want to offer more power to Scotland in 2015, after a ‘no’ vote. None are willing to provide full details of those powers, leading to shouts of “jam tomorrow”

Of course, before the 1979 referendum, Scots were promised that a future Conservative government would offer Scotland “something better”.  This proved to be the reign of Margaret Thatcher.

In truth, few voters – even those not born in ’79 - will be naïve enough to believe that in the event that Scotland returns a ‘no’ vote, there will be anything but a token gesture offered by the unionist parties in terms of further powers for Scotland.

The only way to ensure that full control of Scottish affairs is in Scottish hands - that the desire of those 71% surveyed by Ipsos MORI is met - is to vote ‘Yes’ for an independent Scotland.

Westminster control has hurt Scotland time and time again.

In 2003, MPs voted on an amendment to the Iraq war motion – that the case for war was not established. 52% of Scottish MPs voted against the war. Overall, 65% of Westminster MPs voted for.

In 2007, 60% of Scottish MPs voted against the renewal of Trident; in Westminster overall, 72% voted for.  Scotland’s share of Trident costs is estimated at around £163 million per year - and our share of the replacement costs about £84 million per year for 15 years.

In January 2013, Scottish MPs voted 11 for and 46 against in the vote on the benefits cut. In Westminster this was 324 for, 268 against.

In February 2013, 4 Scottish MPs voted in favour of the bedroom tax, 41 against. Overall, 265 MPs voted for whilst 224 voted against.

Our voice is not heard in Westminster. Only in an independent Scotland – with a government we elected – can Scottish politicians truly represent the people of Scotland and have their votes matter.

Nationalism is alive and kicking because devolution has stoked within the people of Scotland a desire for more control over their own affairs. It’s clear that the ‘no’ vote will lead only to more of the same for Scotland; that same lack of control and those same hurtful Westminster policies which have lead to a clamour for more power in the first place.

If you believe that Scotland ought to have more control over its own affairs, a ‘yes’ vote is the only decision which will deliver that.

Thursday, 24 January 2013

Quotes on an independent Scotland

A selection of quotes I've found particularly interesting, inspiring, enlightening or amusing while taking part in the great debate on Scottish independence. I plan to update this from time to time as I find other quotes of interest.


"Vote for oil revenue, which we ensure flows directly from us into you.
"Vote for being told you’re the only country in the world that could not possibly survive and that without us you’d fall to pieces like children abandoned in the wild, caked in faeces."
Alan Bissett (in his brilliant video, 'Vote Britain')

"In our ‘home nations’ over the last thirty years we’ve all been absolutely taken for a ride. If you doubt the veracity of this statement, just look at where the distribution of wealth has gone. It hasn’t been to a beaten underclass, a working-class on paltry pay and suffering worsening conditions, nor has it found its way into the pockets of a debt-ridden, fearful middle-class. Notice who is doing better than okay? The UK state can be said to have served somebody well over the last thirty years; it just hasn’t been the vast majority of its own citizens."
Irvine Welsh, author

"Separatists like Alex Salmond want to duck the tough questions. He calls himself a social democrat yet he fails to deal with the many issues for democracy that arise from being a separate Scotland.
"He calls himself a progressive but what's progressive about breaking Scotland off from the rest of the United Kingdom then giving away powers to Europe?
"It completely defeats the SNP argument that Scotland would fare better with more control over its affairs when they seek to hand over so many serious areas of government elsewhere.
"And people want to know – and they have the right to know – what handing over those powers will mean. Joining Europe's borderless Schengen area … will open Scotland's border up to mass immigration."
Theresa May, Home Secretary

"An independent Scotland could lead to a revival of the Scottish Labour Party because many of Scottish Labour's problems stem from the fact that it has been de-radicalised through its ties to London. Independence would be like escaping from a political straitjacket. An independent Scotland would mean an independent Scottish Labour Party free to determine its own agenda in accordance with the values and aspirations of the people of Scotland."
Dennis Canavan, former Labour MP and chair of pro-independence campaign group Yes Scotland's advisory board.

“I want Scotland to be independent not because I think we are better than any other country but because I know we are just as good as any other country.”
Alex Salmond, First Minister

"And tuition fees are not the only battleground on which Salmond is trying to alienate the Auld Enemy.
"He has furnished the Scots with free personal care at home for the over-65s, free prescriptions, free hospital parking, and free school meals for five to seven-year-olds. Essentially, any public service which English taxpayers resent having to pay for, Alex Salmond will ensure becomes free for Scots.
"The message for English voters is: Granny McTavish is living it up at your expense.
"The great irony is that under EU law, Scottish universities are not allowed to discriminate against members of other EU states. Were Miss Watts a Belgian, a Pole or a Greek, she would be entitled to free education at a Scottish university. But English? Forget it."
Ross Clark, Daily Mail

"So for me, the question now is – why not? We know we can do this. If we can improve the standards of health care, be amongst the top in world rankings for academic research and science, use our public investment wisely to become a leading country in renewable energy – then we can take one more step. Take charge of all the economic and social and fiscal powers and responsibilities of any other nation."
Jeane Freeman, adviser to former Labour First Minister Jack McConnell

“Labour is flagrantly disregarding the fundamental core of our values on free healthcare and education for all. We have sat back and watched as the higher-ups of the party moved us away from the party of the worker to the party of the wealthy - a party which has the temerity to claim that Scotland has a something-for-nothing society. I’m sorry that I stood by and watched these people take away the real Labour values of my party. I’m sorry for letting my party take the people of Scotland for granted and I’m sorry that we ever let those who have done this to our once-great party come to power.
Allan Grogan, Labour party member and founder of Labour For Independence

"Now our case is not that Scotland cannot survive as a separate state. Of course it could."
Alastair Darling, leader of the 'Better Together' campaign

 "I don't mind whether you call it independence or Devo Max it is obvious the Scottish should run their own affairs."
Jon Snow, broadcaster

"We need to protect our old & vulnerable-to do that we need to take charge of our own affairs. That’s why we are voting Yes"
Craig & Charlie Reid, The Proclaimers

"...If that were to happen what alternative would England have but to come and bomb the hell out of Glasgow airport and Edinburgh airport?"
Lord Fraser of Carmyllie, on the possibility of an enemy commander ordering the runways at Scottish airports to be cleared because his planes would be landing

"All the issues that society has today, Scotland could be a beautiful example of a way forward if open & not too reactionary."
Annie Lennox, Eurythmics

"I'm going to see him on Monday to sort out that referendum on independence by the end of 2014.
"There are many things I want this coalition Government to do, but what could matter more than saving our United Kingdom?
"Let's say it, we're better together and we'll rise together, and let us fight that referendum with everything we've got."
David Cameron, UK Prime Minister

"It would be a shame if Scotland left the UK. On the other hand I don’t think it would be a disaster."
Armando Iannuci, writer/director

"If I had the chance to be independent from the Tory-Liberal-New Labour bunch, I‘d jump at it."
Ken Loach, director

“The SNP is going to have to explain what its plans are for the currency of Scotland, what its plans are for the defence of Scotland when it doesn’t have the protection of the UK, what its plans are for the Scottish economy when it’s not part of a larger economy.”
George Osborne, Chancellor of the Exchequer

"Greens are not nationalists, and we're not motivated by devotion to one flag or the other. But we can see huge opportunities to make our country fairer and greener."
Patrick Harvie, Scottish Green Party

"What we found during the economic crisis was that a Scottish government would have been like an Irish or an Icelandic government.
"It couldn't have sustained the jobs in the financial services industry. Ninety percent of them were jobs that serviced English customers.
"We rescued the banks as a UK government. A Scottish government could never have done that.
Gordon Brown, former UK Prime Minister

"An independent Scotland will be outward looking, culturally confident, fiscally successful; an example to other small nations"
Brian Cox, actor

"No previous generation of Scots since the 1707 Treaty of Union has been tasked with that which has fallen to my generation: to decide the future of Scotland and the United Kingdom in a single Yes/No ballot. It is a privileged responsibility and, as such, one that calls for all Scots to reconsider where their existing loyalties lie. It's simply not acceptable for any Scot to close his mind to the idea of life in an independent Scotland and to declare the contest over 22 months before the referendum takes place."
Kevin McKenna, former deputy editor of The Herald and executive editor of the Daily Mail in Scotland